At Tekhali Bridge, synonymous with the 2007 land acquisition drive that killed 14 people and the gateway to Nandigram, it’s hard to miss the sea of saffron. Many of the flags have the slogan ‘Jai Shri Ram’ prominently displayed on them; others feature Ram temples.Among the saffron flags were some bright yellow flags with the slogan “Happy Bengal” written on them.However, no BJP or Trinamool Congress There are flags everywhere. Ahead, whether it was Rheapara, Sonachula or Mohammadpur, the situation was the same. Identity politics has come to Nandigram.“You can blindfold me but I still know Nandigram inside and out,” said Suvendu Adhikari, the BJP candidate from the seat. “New entrants may need to put their resume here, not mine. I am the Suvendu who stands here in 2026, and I am the Suvendu who stood with the residents of Nandigram in 2004. ” added Adhikari, who defeated Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee here in 2021.When TOI caught up with him, Adhikari had just concluded an election meeting in Binandapur, Nandigram-I, at the Manasa Mandir ground, just over 5 kilometers from Nandigram bus stand.The politics of religious identity cannot be ignored. “Sanatani will defeat Adama,” said Bapi Das, a local. “Adhikari is the icon here,” he added. “He made Nandigram what it is today. He gave Nandigram to CM Banerjee in 2007 and he also knew how to take it back.”Adhikari reminded attendees that while he received only two votes for his seat at the Mohammedpur Madrasa (Muslim-majority), he got about 400 votes from the Hindu-majority local high school seat, with the opposition getting another 250-plus votes. “When will you learn to unite? Think, practice thinking,” Adhikari told the crowd.Adhikari claimed that it was his “inclusiveness” that gave him confidence.“Hindus are not the only targets of the Trinamool,” he said firmly. “Some Muslims also suffered. When someone was attacked by Trinamool goons, I was the first one to rush to the scene. I can name people from the minority communities that I helped. That’s why they voted for the chief minister but asked me for help. The workers here are joking. They know that even if they go to jail, their families will be safe. Suvendu is with them. They asked me to focus on Bhowanipore and defeat Mamata Banerjee there again. They assured me that they would take care of Nandigram on my behalf,” Adhikari asserted.However, he leaves nothing to chance. Although he travels across the state, he projects a “boy next door” image by visiting the 17 anchals of the constituency almost every evening.Adhikari’s rival in the Trinamool Congress, 46-year-old Pabitra Kar, follows a similar pattern.Carl is not a pushover. He is also a political traitor himself and has deep connections with various Hindu organizations such as Hindu Samhati and Sanatani Sena. The TMC nominee is a former close friend of Adhikari and he is well aware of Adhikari’s organizational set-up. In 2021, when CM Banerjee was competing here, many felt that Kar had sealed the victory by a slim margin by giving Adhikari a 3,500-plus run lead in Boyal I and II.Khar promised development but maintained that Nandigram failed to deliver it while showing no mercy to Adhikari. “What Nandigram has seen in the past is just a series of empty assurances,” he said. “It’s time I brought real development. If Adhikari is the heartbeat of Nandigram, why does he resort to intimidation and threats in every election? My only job is to reach out to everyone. This cycle of intimidation must stop.”Political observers say the delicate balance of victory and defeat in the tight Nandigram polls will depend on different demographic groups. This becomes important after 12,500 Muslim voters were omitted from the SIR elections. Public threats against migrant workers allegedly made by Adhikari himself only led to further unease among Muslims.Ka has maintained a relatively silent but steady grassroots movement. The Trinamool seems focused on strengthening his local connections and organizational support.According to the interpretation of the research organization Sabal Institute, although Muslims constitute only 25% of the total population of Nandigram, nearly 95.5% of the voters removed from the supplementary list belong to minority groups.“My neighbor’s name is missing and I’m still not sure if I can vote,” said Rubina Bibi, a resident of Mohammadpur.A majority of voters say they want to move beyond political rhetoric. “We have a railway station but no railway lines,” said Tarun Das, a resident of Rheapara. “There is still no direct connection to Haldia as we have no bridge over the Haldi river. There are no meaningful employment opportunities even in Haldia.”Gokulnagar resident Nur Ali said Nandigram should no longer be in the news just for its politics. “It is difficult for me to keep track of the youth today. One day they are in the BJP and the next day in the TMC. There is a cycle between threats, influence and money power,” said Swadesh Jana, a trader in Tangua Bazar.

